Essay · Writing & Authorship

Systemic Refuge

Why We Build Worlds When Life Feels Unruly

The story is tempting because it is so neat. A young J. R. R. Tolkien survives the Somme, sits down amid the ruins of ordinary certainty, and answers mechanized war by inventing another world.

The record is less cinematic. Tolkien served as a battalion signalling officer on the Somme in 1916 and was sent back to England after contracting trench fever that autumn (Imperial War Museums). In a later letter, he dated the writing of “The Fall of Gondolin” to sick leave from the army in 1917 (Tolkien). These facts establish a chronology. They do not reveal a diagnosis, prove a therapeutic effect, or tell us that Middle-earth emerged as a direct psychological answer to the trenches.

Yet the neat story persists because it expresses an intuition many makers recognize. When ordinary life becomes difficult to predict, an invented system can feel unusually compelling. A fictional map keeps its distances. A language obeys its grammar. A game world remembers which objects can be combined. A genealogy may contain wars and betrayals, but those events remain connected by relations the maker can trace.

This essay calls that experience systemic refuge: the use of a bounded, rule-governed imaginative system as a temporary place of agency and orientation when the world beyond it feels difficult to influence or understand.

The term is an interpretive lens, not a clinical category. It does not explain every act of worldbuilding, and the research discussed here does not directly test fictional world-makers. Its purpose is narrower: to describe why creating order may sometimes matter more than creating happiness, and why the health of such a refuge depends less on how elaborate it becomes than on whether its maker can still return.

A World That Answers Back

Escape is often treated as the obvious motive for making imaginary worlds. The writer dislikes reality and invents somewhere else. The player enters a simulation. The child gives a toy a name and a history. Each exchange replaces what is present with what is preferred.

But many imagined worlds are not pleasant. They contain ruined cities, dynastic violence, ecological collapse, impossible governments, punishing economies, and magic with terrible costs. Their makers do not necessarily remove danger. They give danger a structure.

That distinction matters.

In ordinary life, causes are distributed. Institutions respond slowly. Other people possess motives we cannot see. A loss may have no satisfying explanation, and careful choices may still produce painful outcomes. In a made world, even catastrophe can answer a question. Why did the bridge fall? Because the river changed course after the northern dam was built. Why can the dead not return? Because memory, not breath, is the price of resurrection. Why has the city never expanded west? Because its oldest law protects the burial ground beyond the wall.

The answers need not be benevolent. They need only belong to a system.

Worldbuilding therefore offers a form of authority different from wish fulfilment. The maker can determine what counts as evidence, which rules admit exceptions, and how one consequence follows another. Even collaboration preserves a local kind of agency: participants negotiate the system rather than simply endure it.

Mark J. P. Wolf’s study of imaginary worlds treats worldbuilding as an activity that can extend beyond a single narrative and across media (Wolf). A world can exceed the story told inside it. Its maps, customs, calendars, languages, technologies, and histories imply relations that no one scene can exhaust.

This surplus is part of the refuge. A story asks, What happens next? A system also permits the maker to ask, What else follows from the rules already here? The second question can be answered without resolving the first. For some makers, it becomes a bounded puzzle: consequential enough to absorb attention, but limited enough to admit an answer. When a draft will not move, the writer may still name a river, calculate a journey, or decide which office issues a licence. The larger work remains uncertain, but one small relation becomes decidable.

What Control Research Can—and Cannot—Tell Us

Psychological research offers a possible context for this attraction to order, but not a complete explanation of it.

In a review of compensatory control research, Mark Landau, Aaron Kay, and Jennifer Whitson examined how people respond when their sense of control is reduced. Alongside strategies that restore personal agency or strengthen trust in external systems, they described a preference for clear and consistent interpretations of the environment. Their meta-analysis across 55 studies found a moderate association between reduced control and the affirmation of such structure (Landau, Kay, and Whitson 694–722).

That finding makes the idea of systemic refuge plausible. It does not demonstrate it.

The reviewed studies concerned broad tendencies such as pattern recognition, causal reasoning, and preference for structured accounts. They did not show that people deprived of control begin constructing fantasy worlds, nor that a map or invented grammar repairs diminished agency. Moving from a general preference for structure to the specific practice of worldbuilding is an interpretation—useful enough to test against experience, but not established by the evidence (Landau, Kay, and Whitson 694–722).

Self-determination theory provides another suggestive vocabulary. Edward Deci and Richard Ryan identify autonomy, competence, and relatedness as basic psychological needs within their account of motivation (Deci and Ryan 227–68). Worldbuilding can be interpreted through those terms:

  • Autonomy: the maker chooses what enters the system and which constraints govern it.
  • Competence: sustained attention produces visible mastery as places, histories, or mechanics begin to cohere.
  • Relatedness: a private system can become shareable through stories, games, art, conversation, or collaborative play.

Again, the application is analogical. Self-determination theory does not establish worldbuilding as a reliable way to meet these needs. An imaginary world can produce frustration rather than competence, isolation rather than connection, or compulsion rather than chosen activity. The theory helps name possible satisfactions; it does not guarantee them.

This boundary between evidence and interpretation is essential. Without it, an evocative idea hardens into a universal claim: people build worlds because they lack control. That sentence is too simple. People also build worlds for pleasure, craft, curiosity, work, community, political thought, technical experimentation, and the sheer delight of discovering consequences inside a premise. Systemic refuge describes one use of worldbuilding, not its secret cause.

Defining Systemic Refuge

A systemic refuge does not require continents, cosmologies, or thousands of years of invented history. It can be a neighbourhood sketched for one short story, a miniature railway with a timetable, a family tree for people who never lived, a tabletop campaign, a carefully governed digital settlement, or a notebook containing the rules of an impossible museum.

What matters is not scale but structure. Three qualities are especially important.

Consistency

The system remembers its own decisions.

A northern winter affects travel. A scarce material changes architecture. A custom produces both solidarity and exclusion. When a later invention contradicts an earlier rule, the maker revises the rule, explains the exception, or accepts the contradiction as part of the world’s history.

Tolkien’s invented languages offer a useful example, though not one of rigid perfection. His Elvish languages were given fictional histories of descent, with related forms changing across time; Tolkien also continued to reconsider their grammar, sounds, and vocabulary throughout his life (Hostetter). Their answerability came through sustained relations and revision, not through rules fixed once and never disturbed.

Consistency creates an answerable environment. It does not mean rigidity or total explanation. Mystery can remain, but the maker decides where uncertainty belongs instead of encountering uncertainty everywhere at once.

Bounded authority

Within the invented domain, some decisions can be made.

The boundary is crucial. The maker controls the river’s course on the map, not the weather outside the window. They can redesign a fictional institution without pretending to control a real one. The refuge becomes credible precisely because its authority is local.

This is why systemic refuge should not be described as omnipotence. Good worldbuilding continually produces consequences the maker did not initially foresee. Once several rules interact, the system begins to resist arbitrary change. Its creator remains responsible for it but must also listen to what its established relations imply.

Portability

The system can be revisited.

It may live in memory, a document, a box of materials, a save file, or a shared table. Unlike a passing fantasy, it retains enough form for the maker to return and continue. This persistence allows small acts to accumulate. Ten minutes spent naming districts today can meet ten minutes spent tracing a trade route next month.

Portability also makes the refuge available to others. A world can remain private, but once represented it can be read, played, questioned, or altered in company. The private ordering act may become a social object.

Together, these qualities distinguish systemic refuge from simple distraction. A distraction occupies attention. A systemic refuge gives attention somewhere to act.

When Shelter Becomes Avoidance

The language of refuge carries a danger. A refuge protects, but it can also become a place from which someone cannot leave.

Elaboration alone does not identify the problem. A person may spend years building an imaginary world while also sustaining relationships, meeting obligations, and producing meaningful work. Another may devote less time to fantasy but experience it as intrusive, distressing, or difficult to control. The relevant question is not whether the world is unusually detailed. It is what the practice does in the maker’s life.

Research into maladaptive daydreaming offers one caution without supplying a diagnosis for worldbuilders. Eli Somer and his colleagues developed a self-report scale intended to measure abnormal fantasizing. Their 2016 validation study involved 447 English-speaking participants from 45 countries and identified dimensions including yearning, kinesthetic involvement, and impairment (Somer et al. 77–91). The study concerned a particular proposed phenomenon and a self-selected sample; it should not be used to label immersive imagination in general.

Its attention to impairment is nevertheless useful. A practical distinction between shelter and avoidance can begin with function:

  • Can the maker choose when to enter and when to stop?
  • Does the activity restore attention, or leave ordinary tasks harder to approach?
  • Can parts of the world be shared, revised, or challenged, or must the system remain untouched?
  • Does time inside it enlarge the maker’s capacity for work and relationship, or steadily displace both?
  • Is the practice still wanted, or does it feel compulsory?

These questions are not a screening tool. They are prompts for noticing permeability: whether traffic can still move between imagination and life.

A sealed refuge permits no friction from outside. Criticism feels like invasion. Revision becomes betrayal. Other people appear mainly as threats to time inside the system. The creator’s authority, once bounded, begins to demand more territory.

A permeable refuge behaves differently. It receives material from experience and returns something to experience: a scene, a shared game, a solved design problem, a calmer hour, a conversation, or simply renewed willingness to face an unfinished task. The invented world does not have to become public or profitable. It does, however, remain connected to a life beyond itself.

If immersive fantasy is causing distress, feels uncontrollable, or interferes with daily functioning, a reflective exercise or writing practice is not a substitute for qualified mental-health support.

Building a Small, Permeable World

If the aim is permeability rather than withdrawal without end, the idea can move from caution back into practice. Systemic refuge can be used deliberately without treating it as therapy. The aim is not to build an ideal life in miniature. It is to create a small field in which decisions have visible consequences.

Try the following exercise for twenty minutes:

  1. Name one uncertainty. Write a private sentence about something that currently feels difficult to predict or influence. Do not solve it.
  2. Choose a bounded setting. Invent one room, street, station, garden, vessel, archive, or other contained place.
  3. Give it three rules. Make one rule physical, one social, and one procedural. For example: the lights never go out; no one uses a family name; every visitor must leave an object behind.
  4. Follow one consequence. Ask what one rule changes about the space. If every visitor leaves an object, who stores them? What happens when storage runs out?
  5. Make one mark. Draw a plan, write a paragraph, list five objects, or describe an ordinary task performed there.
  6. Close the boundary. Stop when the time ends. Write one sentence about how it feels to return to the room you are actually in.

The final step matters as much as the construction. It keeps the exercise from making indefinite immersion its measure of success. The goal is not to prove that the imagined system has cured the uncertainty named at the beginning. It probably has not. The goal is to notice whether a brief act of coherent making changes how attention meets the next real demand.

Some days it will not. The rules may feel trivial, the world inert, or the return more difficult. That information matters too. A creative practice earns its place through what it permits, not through a theory imposed upon it.

The Measure Is the Return

Tolkien’s biography cannot prove systemic refuge. His own dating of “The Fall of Gondolin” shows that imaginative work and wartime illness occupied adjacent parts of his life, but adjacency is not causation (Tolkien). Turning him into the ideal case would replace one myth of solitary genius with another myth of automatic recovery through art.

What his long practice does illustrate is less dramatic and more useful. An invented world can outlast the circumstances in which some of its earliest forms were written. It can be revised across decades, shared with readers, inherited by other makers, and remain unfinished without being meaningless.

Systemic refuge names the quieter moment before any of that is known: the moment when a person makes one relation hold.

The value of that act is not that the created world is safer, kinder, or more controllable than life. Often it is none of those things. Its value lies in answerability. For a while, the maker can ask why something happens and work towards an answer that the system will either accept or resist.

But refuge is not measured by the beauty of its walls. It is measured by the condition in which someone leaves them.

The map, language, lineage, or city has done enough when its maker can close the notebook, look again at an unresolved world, and bring back not certainty, but a little more capacity to remain.

Works cited

  1. Imperial War Museums. “Second Lieutenant J R R Tolkien.” Imperial War Museums.
  2. Tolkien, J. R. R. “Letter to Christopher Bretherton, a Reader, 16 July 1964.” The Tolkien Estate.
  3. Hostetter, Carl F. “Tolkien’s Invented Languages.” The Tolkien Estate.
  4. Wolf, Mark J. P. Building Imaginary Worlds: The Theory and History of Subcreation. Routledge, 2012.
  5. Landau, Mark J., Aaron C. Kay, and Jennifer A. Whitson. “Compensatory Control and the Appeal of a Structured World.” Psychological Bulletin, vol. 141, no. 3, 2015, pp. 694–722.
  6. Deci, Edward L., and Richard M. Ryan. “The ‘What’ and ‘Why’ of Goal Pursuits: Human Needs and the Self-Determination of Behavior.” Psychological Inquiry, vol. 11, no. 4, 2000, pp. 227–68.
  7. Somer, Eli, et al. “Development and Validation of the Maladaptive Daydreaming Scale (MDS).” Consciousness and Cognition, vol. 39, 2016, pp. 77–91.